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Khawaja Asif Defends Pakistan’s Hybrid Model: “It’s Doing Wonders”

Pakistan’s Defence Minister breaks silence on military-civilian power sharing, calling it effective despite democratic concerns

Islamabad, June 21: In a political landscape where euphemisms are often the norm and blunt truths are rare, Defence Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif did something unexpected this week: he called Pakistan’s “hybrid” governance model exactly what it is—and defended it.

“It’s not an ideal democracy,” Asif said, speaking candidly in an interview with Arab News. “But it’s working. It’s doing wonders.” It was a line that landed like a punch in the gut for many who’ve spent decades pushing for true civilian supremacy. And yet, here was one of PML-N’s top leaders not just accepting the civil-military power-sharing arrangement, but praising it.

Acknowledging the Obvious, Then Leaning Into It

For years, Pakistan’s political class has tiptoed around the influence of the military. Everyone knew the generals were involved in policymaking—from foreign relations to internal security—but few dared to speak openly about the extent of their sway. Asif didn’t just acknowledge it. He celebrated it.

On Thursday, June 19, he posted on X (formerly Twitter), pointing to a lunch meeting between Army Chief Asim Munir and US President Donald Trump, calling it proof that this “hybrid arrangement” is paying off. Not exactly subtle. He even framed the meeting as a geopolitical win—implying that India had taken a back seat, Pakistan’s economy was turning around, and ties with Washington were mending, all because of this unlikely power balance.

By the next day, he doubled down. “Had this model existed in the 1990s,” Asif mused in the same Arab News interview, “Pakistan’s development would have looked very different.” It was the kind of comment that made older politicians and political historians alike raise an eyebrow. Or both.

Military in the Room? No Longer Just a Metaphor

Let’s be honest: Pakistan has always had the military in the room. Now, it has a seat at the table. Officially. Through bodies like the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC), generals and cabinet ministers now jointly decide economic policy, investment priorities, and even regional strategy. It’s a far cry from the days of behind-the-scenes briefings or the occasional military “suggestion.”

For Asif, this is progress. “There’s coordination now. No tug-of-war,” he said, painting a picture of harmony between Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and General Munir. Critics, though, see something else entirely: a slow erosion of democratic norms, dressed up as efficiency.

Political Unity or Political Convenience?

It’s worth noting that this is the third hybrid experiment since Imran Khan’s ouster, and it’s also the first where both the PML-N and PPP seem willing—eager, even—to play along. Not because they’ve suddenly fallen in love with shared power. But because the alternative, for them, is worse.

Dr. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, writing for Dawn, pointed out the obvious: this model suits parties that want to avoid the political chaos of recent years. Especially when they’re still reeling from PTI’s populist surge and the legal landmines of their own making. The military, for its part, gets political cover for its policies and a role in governance without the full responsibility of being in charge.

It’s a compromise—but one born out of political fatigue more than innovation.

“Wonders” and Warnings

The government has, to be fair, racked up a few wins lately. Gulf investors are back at the table. The rupee has stopped freefalling—for now. And Washington, which once iced out Islamabad, is at least picking up the phone again.

But Ahmed Bilal Mehboob of PILDAT isn’t buying into the hype. He warns that when lines between elected and unelected authorities blur, accountability becomes a casualty. “This is not institutional reform,” he told Dawn. “It’s institutional surrender.”

That’s the heart of the tension here. Yes, coordination has improved. Yes, the economy might be inching toward stability. But at what cost to the soul of Pakistan’s democracy?

The Uncomfortable New Normal

What’s striking about Asif’s remarks isn’t just their content—it’s the tone. There’s no apology, no hedging. Just a kind of weary pragmatism. As if to say: This is how things work now. And if it helps us survive, so be it.

Many in the political establishment, it seems, agree. Some are tired of being constantly at odds with the military. Others see the hybrid model as a necessary evil, at least until the next general election (whenever that may be). But for a country that has swung between coups and civilian rule for decades, the idea that this kind of system could become permanent is deeply unsettling.

The public mood is harder to pin down. Some are simply relieved that things seem to be calming down. Others, especially younger voters and PTI loyalists, see this as a betrayal—a sign that their vote doesn’t count as much as it should.

As for Asif? He’s betting that results will speak louder than process. “This is practical,” he said, brushing aside concerns about civilian supremacy. But in a country where the line between pragmatism and power play has always been thin, it’s a risky wager.


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Author Profile
Juneja

Ravi Juneja is a student journalist currently pursuing his degree from Makhanlal Chaturvedi National University of Journalism and Communication. With a passion for factual reporting and public interest stories, he covers a wide spectrum of news at Hindustan Herald, including politics, health, technology, entertainment, and global affairs. Ravi is committed to delivering balanced, research-backed journalism with a strong sense of responsibility and independence.

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